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"What kind of peace do I mean? What
kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world
by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security
of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that
makes life on earth worth living, the kind that enables men and nations
to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children--not
merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women--not merely
peace in our time but peace for all time."
- John F. Kennedy







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[draft]
RESOLUTION OF THE MARIN PEACE AND JUSTICE COALITION
CALLING FOR ACTION ON THE ELECTION
Submitted by Alan Barnett
Whereas, the Marin Peace and Justice Coalition
has voted to work for the impeachment of Bush and Cheney; and
Whereas, that was even before it was publicly verified that Bush
and Cheney lied to citizens in taking the US to war on false pretenses,
namely that Iraq posed an immediate threat because it possessed
weapons of mass destruction, and that Iraq was closely connected
to the al Qaida network and hence had responsibility for the terrorist
attack of 9.11;
Whereas, Bush and Cheney continue to believe that they did the right
thing by invading Iraq without UN Security Council approval and
would do it again;
Whereas, Democratic candidates Kerry and Edwards both voted to give
Bush the authority to take the nation to war at his own discretion,
and Kerry now says that had he known at the time of his vote that
Iraq did not have weapons of mass destruction and was not connected
to al Qaida or the 9.11 attack, he still would have voted to authorize
Bush to go to war;
Whereas, both Kerry and Edwards voted for the Patriot Act and do
not today support its total repeal;
Whereas, Kerry and Edwards do not support the prompt withdrawal
of US forces from Iraq, which provoke the violence the candidates
claim must be ended before US withdrawal;
Whereas, Kerry and Edwards have not condemned Bush for his at least
gross negligence in preparing against the attack of 9.11;
Whereas, the Democratic members of the House of Representatives
have not made any effort to pursue the impeachment of Bush and Cheney
for the above offenses;
Whereas, it is clear that except for unforeseeable circumstances,
Bush and Cheney will not be impeached before the November 2 election;
Therefore, be it resolved that MPJC:
- Express to our member of the House of
Representatives and Senators our dismay at the Democratic Party
members of the House and Senate for not having pressed action
toward the impeachment of Bush and Cheney;
- Call on all candidates for federal office
to charge that in their view Bush and Cheney have committed
high crimes and misdemeanors and therefore impeachable
offenses;
- Express our outrage at the Democratic
Party Platform and presidential and vice-presidential candidates
for not condemning the invasion of Iraq, its continued occupation
and not setting a date for prompt withdrawal and not declaring
their opposition to preventive or pre-emptive war;
- Express our dismay at the Democratic
Party Platform and candidates not calling for the total repeal
of the USA Patriot Act;
- Urge all registered Democrats to change
their party registration to Decline to State or
some other party, with the understanding that this is intended
to send a signal to the Democrats that its progressives will
not be taken for granted and that the party must earn their
support. It is further understood that changing registration
does not affect how a person votes in the general election.
- It is recommended that if on the eve
of the election California voters are expected to go for Kerry
by a margin of five percentage points, that they vote for a
different candidate.
- Notify the media of these decisions.
WHY DEMAND IMPEACHMENT NOW?
Alan Barnett
August 2, 2004
So why demand impeachment now when it is clear
that the chances of it happening before the November election
are next to nil? The answer is that it is the only right thing
to do, the constitutionally correct thing and the sole ethical
response of citizens when high crimes and misdemeanors,
have been committed. These are the grounds that the Constitution
lays down as the basis for impeachment. To proclaim this loud
and clear is not only to feel good, but it can have practical
strategic value.
The Constitution does not say that when there is suspicion that
such abuses have occurred, that members of the House of Representatives
must act. But the inference is that this is their duty. This is
the situation with President Bush, his Vice President, the National
Security Adviser and Secretaries of Defense, State and the Attorney
General. The importance of citizens taking a public stand on this
even though it is not likely that Congress will act, is that those
who believe that impeachable offenses have occurred must not quail
before the challenge although Congress has. The integrity of the
democratic system must be upheld and members of Congress held
accountable for their failure to perform their duty.
It is insufficient to say that impeachment should not be attempted
because it is likely to fail because the majority of both houses
of Congress are of the Presidents party. What has that to
do with trying to prosecute acts that give all appearance of being
abuses and indeed criminal, especially since they have resulted
in the deaths of more than 900 US military personnel and tens
of thousands of innocent Iraqi civilians?
It is insufficient to say that with an impending election that
that should be utilized to rid the government of culpable leaders.
How far must we be from an election to decide whether to try to
impeach? From the time that Bush took the nation to war without
submitting US claims to the UN Security Council, he was in violation
of the United Nations Charter by which America is bound by treaty
obligations. Those obligations are part of the law of this land.
The President gives every appearance of having violated them and
persists in saying that he would do it again.
Bush and his administration took the nation to war on the basis
of lies, and there should be no mistake that they were lies. But
even if they were misjudgments based on poor information, the
President is culpable of at least unintended second-degree murder,
that is, manslaughter. He should have been certain beyond a reasonable
doubt that his claims that Saddam Hussein possessed WMD and was
responsible for 9/11 before sending thousands to their deaths.
In either of these cases, he undeniably is culpable and unfit
to govern a day longer.
In ordinary matters of criminal and civil law, if there is a reasonable
suspicion that violations have been committed, do district attorneys
decide whether to prosecute depending on whether there is an election
impending?
If Bush were to take up a gun and start firing at people in the
White House, would he not be restrained? Would he not be charged?
But he is responsible for the unjust deaths of tens of thousands,
and no one is stopping him! Who knows that a person who has demonstrated
such a total lack of judgment and scruples will do before the
election? He and his administration are a clear and present danger,
and no one in Congress has the guts or responsibility to act to
prevent further harm.
Elections are not the way that the American system of justice
decides the guilt or innocence of the accused. They must be brought
before a court (which the Congress would function as in the case
of impeachment) and the evidence carefully scrutinized so that
its soundness can be determined. This is not what occurs in elections
with their hoopla, their unsubstantiated charges and counter-charges.
In place of impeachment we are now being treated to the American
Heritage version of electioneering at greater cost and more balloon-drops
than ever before. There will be the glistening capped-toothy smiles,
the vapid speechifying and baby-kissing, while the criminals run
amuck. Our representatives, most of them, have failed us by not
performing their responsibility to halt this star-spangled race
to the bottom.
What has the Impeachment Committee of the Marin Peace and Justice
Coalition been doing over the year and a half of its existence?
It first of all persuaded MPJC to endorse the impeachment of Bush
and Cheney. It has secured the agreement of the only member of
the House of Representatives to sign on to a bill of impeachment
if it is drafted and presented by Rep. John Conyers, the leader
of the Democratic minority on the House Judiciary Committee, where
such a bill would originate. She is Marin and Sonomas Lynn
Woolsey. We have lobbied Rep. Conyers, Rep. Barbara Lee and Rep.
George Miller from the Bay area without success. We are hoping
to meet soon with Rep. Nancy Pelosi, of San Francisco, the leader
of the Democrats in the House. Having collected 600 letters addressed
to her from her constituents, we want to present our faces behind
these letters. We want to express our dismay with Congress and
the Democrats for failing their constituents.
With activists of like mind in the East Bay we formed last November
the National Coalition to Impeach Bush & Cheney and have drawn
as endorsers Howard Zinn, Medea Benjamin, Kevin Danaher, Francis
Boyle, the University of Illinois law professor who has drafted
a bill of impeachment, Cynthia McKinney, who is likely to be re-elected
to Congress after one term off her previous five in Congress.
There are also Douglas Dowd, our local progressive economic historian
and teacher, Barbara Lubin of the Middle-East Childrens
Alliance and Van Jones of the Ella Baker Center for Civil Rights
and others. Organizational members include the National Lawyers
Guild, both the national and Bay Area offices, the Alameda Central
Labor Council and other national and local groups. Members of
NCIBC have collected thousands of letters from around the Bay
that they have delivered to their writers representatives.
We have sold thousands of Impeach Bush bumper strips
and borne banners with the same message in the marches in San
Francisco and Marin.
So whats to be done? It seems to us that citizens must bear
witness to the terrible crimes that have been committed. Otherwise
we do not deserve to be citizens or to regard our nation as law-abiding
and democratic. Let not history record that American citizens
did not demand justice when their elected representatives failed
them. What is heartening is the positive response when we stand
along the streets and brandish our posters and distribute our
bumper strips, when we march in parades with our Impeach
Bush banner and get feedback from our website or write pieces
like this. We believe that we must continue to speak truth to
power.
There is practical strategic importance of educating the public
and putting our representatives on notice that they have failed
us. Whether Kerry or Bush wins the election, the one or the other
and their parties need to know that significant numbers of citizens
hold both Republicans and Democrats accountable for committing
or tolerating criminal acts by the Bush administration. Those
most responsible need to be brought to justice in the courts,
national and international, if the rule of law is to prevail.
Even more important, government policies that support wars of
aggression, the continued occupation of Iraq and imperial globalization
that exploits other peoples will be challenged. Further, legislation
and executive orders that subvert civil rights will be contested.
Not only the presidential candidates but also our representatives
in Congress must be alerted to the fact that those of us who have
called for the impeachment of Bush will continue to fight his
policies whether they are perpetrated by a Kerry or second Bush
administration. They need to know that there is a growing peace
and justice movement in this country that will not be slowed by
whoever wins the election.
IMPEACHMENT & BEYOND
Alan Barnett
March 15, 2004
Impeachment must be pursued with all energy not only to remove
from office those responsible for some of the greatest wrongs
in American history but also to sensitize all citizens to the
guilt of our nation for having permitted them. The upcoming election,
which may rid us of those who have misled us, will not, because
of its partisanship and hoopla, compel us to confront the enormous
crimes into which the American people have allowed themselves
to be led. At most the campaigning will result in the mutual recrimination
of the candidates and parties. But the responsibility of the nation
as a whole and the lessons that must be learned will be missed.
Thousands of our own soldiers and tens of thousands of Iraqis,
civilians and military, have been murdered and maimed in a war
perpetrated by the deceptions of the Bush administration and tolerated
by all of us. Even those of us who protested the war bear some
responsibility for having allowed it to occur without having done
more, such as a general strike that could have brought the war
machine to a halt.
We can mitigate some of our responsibility by pressing for impeachment.
But impeachment should provide the occasion for Americans to acknowledge
that it is not only our leaders but our country that has committed
grievous wrongs so that we can learn from them. These wrongs continue
with the military occupation of Iraq, which is likely to go on
for years along with the mayhem it provokes. We have incited an
insurgency against our occupation and civil war among nationalists
and those who collaborate with us. Meanwhile the oil of Iraq,
which until now has been at least nominally the possession of
the nation, will be privatized and plundered by US corporations,
no matter how our elections go.
My fear is that the ballyhoo of electioneering will bury in the
black hole of collective denial the responsibility of all Americans
for what has occurred. It is comparable to the guilt that Germany
had to face after World War II, although not resulting in as much
mayhem, but still wiping out countless single infinitely precious
lives. Numbers numb us to the reality of each. For us to have
taken one innocent life as a result of a self-righteous national
policy is a heinous crime; to have taken so many and to persist
at it is unfathomable.
Impeachment only carries with it dismissal of the convicted from
public office and their exclusion from any position of public
trust for the rest of their life. Our leaders must further be
tried as war criminals unless impunity is permitted to prevail.
Of course there must be compensation to the families of the victims
along with our reconstructing Iraq, which has been the target
not only of massive bombing in two wars but also twelve years
of economic sanctions. These sanctions embargoed the equipment
necessary to repair the damage of the first Gulf War, including
water purification and sanitation materiel, and prevented the
importing of medicine and food, the scarcity of which has caused
the death of over a million Iraqis, most of them children under
the age of five. Compensation must not be taken from the oil profits
that properly belong to the Iraqi people who cannot be held responsible
for their authoritarian leaders, but be paid by the perpetrators
of the two wars and sanctions.
But further, Americans must acknowledge what our country has done.
Among the wrongs that have been committed are those against our
institutions and system of justice, including our commitments
to the collective security of the world through the United Nations
and international law. Of highest priority must be the disowning
of the National Security Strategy, promulgated by Bush Jr. in
2002, which calls for American empire by military and economic
supremacy. This document was intended to provide the rationale
for the attack on Iraq.
Although the NSS is the most blatant official proclamation of
US aggression in our history, it arises from a tradition of conquest
that began with the European colonization of the Americas and
the accompanying genocide of the indigenous peoples and the enslavement
of Africans. This aggrandizement was continued by the War against
Mexico that seized half of that nation, the Spanish-American War
that extended our empire to the Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico
and Cuba, then the annexation of Hawaii. During the 20th century
much of Latin America fell victim to US economic and political
penetration. As Simón Bolívar, one of the true liberators
of our hemisphere, said as early as 1829, "The United States
appear to be destined by Providence to plague America with misery
in the name of liberty." Now it is the world that is the
prey of our country.
The most recent exercise of US conquest provides the occasion
once and for all of rejecting the aggrandizement that contradicts
our other traditionthat of peace and the self-determination
of peoples. But this can only occur by a nationwide acknowledging
that we have waged aggressive war under the pretense of liberating
the oppressed, now repeated in Haiti. The people of our country
take pride in their optimism, which too often has meant blotting
out the truth of our past so that we can continue to grab what
we want. We must learn from the new atrocities or we are bound
to repeat them.
I don't believe that people can make amends and be forgiven for
the willful or negligent taking of others lives. There can
be no wiping away of the stain, no cleansing of conscience. How
can the murdered forgive? It is not for the survivors to absolve
the guilty and complicit. There are things for which I cannot
forgive myself. All I can do is to try not to forget my responsibility
for the past so as to remember my obligation to the living. That
keeps me intent on trying to change my life and to join with those
who feel similarly to change our society. In that is the only
solace. gel
THE EMPEROR HAS NO CLOTHES
&
THE GOOD AMERICANS
Alan Barnett
(Marin Peace & Justice Coalition)
November, 2003
Half of the US public believes that President
Bush lied to take the country to war against Iraq, according to
recent national polls. Even a greater proportion believes that
if this is the case, it is a matter of the utmost gravity. To
have led the nation to war by deception certainly rises to the
level of "high crimes and misdemeanors," as the Constitution
describes the grounds for impeachment. Yet few American leaders
are calling for the prosecution of Bush and Cheney. But a growing
groundswell of the public is.
If we do not insist on justice being done, we become "good
Americans," no different from the "good Germans"
who knew Hitlers crimes and remained silent.
The reasons that Bush and Cheney gave to lead the nation to war
were that there was an imminent threat of Saddam Hussein using
weapons of mass destruction against us. If this was a deception,
then the US invasion of Iraq was an aggressive war. The best estimates
are that up to 10,000 innocent Iraqi civilians were killed in
the attack and they continue to be killed. Untold numbers of Iraqi
troops were also murdered in a war in which they were defending
their country. And by the end of October 350 US troops, most of
them drafted by poverty into our armed forces, died in combat
or from related causes. American citizens who, as they become
aware that this war on Iraq was based on deceptions and therefore
was aggressive war, become complicit in these crimes if they do
nothing about them. Only by demanding that there be no impunity
for the perpetrators of aggressive war and terrorism against Iraqi
civilians do we free ourselves from this guilt.
Members of Congress, whose task impeachment would be, are not
rising to their responsibility. We have to assume that they, too,
believe that there are grounds for impeachment of Bush and Cheney.
At least they have initiated investigations in the Senate and
House concerning the intelligence connected with our going to
war and its use by the Administration. Some members of Congress
have also called for a special commission independent of Congress
to investigate the subject, an investigation like that studying
the failure to prevent 9.11. But these calls for a non-partisan
commission on Iraq have gone nowhere. Most of the Democratic presidential
candidates are also charging the Bush Administration with having
misled the nation to get it to back the war and clearly regard
the issue as useful for their campaigns. It is likely that that
is one of the reasons that they are not pressing for impeachment.
The prevailing view seems to be that impeachment is unviable because
the Republicans control both the House of Representatives, which
would have to bring charges, and the Senate, that would have to
try those charged. This would make it impossible to prosecute
wrongdoing by the President and Vice-President and force them
from office. It assumes that the House, which acts as grand jury,
and the Senate, as trial jury, are so warped by partisanship that
an impartial performance of their duty is impossible. This may
be the simple fact of the matter unless the public generates so
powerful a demand that the Congress must act.
We may ask whether the original drafters of the Constitution intended
to create an impeachment process that can only operate if the
Executive and Legislative Branches are controlled by different
parties. Actually, the Constitution does not take parties into
account, but it does establish a system of checks and balances
between branches of government. If Executive and Legislative branches
are of the same mind, there can be no checks and balances and
seemingly no impeachment. If this is true, the burden lies on
the citizenry to protect the integrity of its government.
What is really at stake is the question of whether Bush and Cheney
fraudulently led the nation to war and whether that war was aggressive
and unprovoked. At stake also is the uncontested fact that the
war was pursued without permission by the United Nations Security
Council. All of these violations would be crimes against US law,
which incorporates the UN Charter.
The Democratic presidential contenders are taking the position
that the election of 2004 is the proper means to deal with the
issues surrounding the legitimacy of the war on Iraq. While the
Republican members of Congress are hiding out from their constituents,
the Democratic members will take electoral advantage of the probable
criminality of the Bush Administration rather than risk indicting
and prosecuting it. In short, both the American system of justice
and the constitutional system of impeachment are in jeopardy.
To make these matters the issue of an election campaign is a dereliction
of legal process. Elections are not ways of dealing with charges
of crime and determining the guilt or innocence of persons. Pre-trial
investigation and then prosecution is the only permissible way
under our system of justice. The proper form of investigation
with the possibility of bringing a charge of "high crimes"
is the impeachment process. The American system of justice does
not hold votes by the public to determine the guilt or innocence
of persons. It places them on trial where evidence is carefully
examined and strict procedures are observed to protect the rights
of those charged and the public. This is the correct way to hold
the President and Vice-President accountable. To do anything less
would be a perversion of justice.
There are other grounds as well on which Bush and Cheney could
be impeached, such as the negligence, willful or otherwise, surrounding
the attack of 9.11, the aggressive war fought against the Taliban
government of Afghanistan when it offered to negotiate, and violations
of civil liberties by the USA Patriot Act and related government
decrees. Where Congress has authorized presidential violations
of civil liberties, there is some question as to whether these
are impeachable offenses. But the violations about which there
is the widest concurrence of the public and the evidence is ready
at hand are Bush and Cheneys deceptions that were used to
justify the US attack on Iraq.
The principal issue that is before citizens is whether there is
sufficient evidence to bring charges against the President and
Vice-President and then to put them on trial. This should not
be a matter of partisan politics. If a majority of the public
believes that there is sufficient evidence to warrant a formal
investigation that can lead to an indictment, that is, impeachment,
then they should be demanding their representatives in the House
to support a bill of impeachment and begin the procedure. It is
only a groundswell of public outrage that will accomplish this
because most members of Congress are very reluctant to begin the
process.
It will be said that the Commander-in Chief must not be indicted
while our troops are exposed to danger. But in fact it is precisely
for that reason that the propriety of the actions of Bush and
Cheney in putting our soldiers at risk must be determined. Unless
the cause is just and principled, then Americans should not be
engaged in war. We must not ask our fellow citizens to risk their
lives for a war based on deceptions. We cannot kill those who
oppose us and the many more who die as "collateral damage,"
for a lie.
Some people say that apart from any deceptions of the Bush Administration,
Iraq is better off without Saddam Hussein; it has been liberated.
That it is a good and humane thing that the Iraqi people are no
longer subject to his cruel dictatorship there is no doubt. But
liberation was never a primary reason that Bush gave for going
to war. Those reasons were that the Hussein regime posed an imminent
threat to the United States and the Middle East because it possessed
weapons of mass destruction and would acquire even more powerful
ones in the near future. Moreover, it was charged by the Bush
Administration that Hussein was connected with the al Qaida terrorists
and inferred that he had responsibility for the 9.11 attack on
the US. The Administration itself has been forced to admit that
it has no evidence to connect Hussein with 9.11, although it still
contends there is a connection between him and al Qaida. But none
of the charges that Hussein posed an imminent threat because he
possessed WMD have stood scrutin
The elimination of a brutal regime is certainly desirable, but
how it is done is as important. The US and UK invasion has caused
death and suffering to tens of thousands of innocent civilians.
For those who believe that Iraq has been liberated by the US and
its coalition partners, we are now witnessing the violent resentment
of a people who have been over-run by foreigners and have not
liberated themselves, as the Americans did during their War for
Independence which they initiated and then sought the aid of the
French. There are obviously Iraqis and perhaps foreigners whom
they have invited to fight alongside them who do not want to be
"liberated" by the Americans and British who obviously
have ulterior motives, such as gaining control of Iraqi oil and
bases for their forces in the Middle East. It is clear that people
do not want to be "liberated" at the point of a gun
to their faces. While those fighting the US coalition forces in
Iraq may not all be nationalist patriots, most of them li
The Bush Administration has made clear by its own pronouncements,
especially the National Security Strategy, published in September,
2002, that its goals are the US military and economic supremacy
of the world. The document affirms explicitly that to attain these
goals the US will utilize preventative war, that is, aggression,
for that purpose and if necessary proceed unilaterally without
its allies or the United Nations. Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate
these intentions. These policy objectives and methods run counter
to US ideals and commitments to the United Nations Charter, to
which the US is a signatory and bound. To violate these is to
violate US law and hence an impeachable offense.
The conduct of the Bush Administration in foreign affairs has
undermined US credibility as a democratic, peace-loving nation
and established precedents for other nations to pursue what they
perceive as their national interest with whatever violence that
they can mount. This has already occurred in the case of Israel,
India, Russia, China, the Philippines and Colombia which have
all embraced the Bush rubric of the "War against Terrorism"
to put down insurgencies by peoples seeking self-determination.
The result can only be a retreat from collective security and
social justice advanced by an imperfect but improvable United
Nations. It is to ignite a worldwide conflagration where neo-imperialism
is yoked to corporate globalization and the US Constitution is
undermined by a fascist melding of nationalism, militarism and
the police-state. Impeachment is the necessary firewall against
this.
The Emperor has no clothes. Practically everyone sees this, both
citizens and their elected representatives. If the members of
Congress dare not concede publicly what their constituents know,
then the citizenry must by its outcry compel them to act. Otherwise
we become "good Americans." It is our outrage at the
betrayal of public trust, the thousands of murders committed in
our name, the even greater number of injuries and the immense
destruction that moves us. We must not rest until justice is done.
Marin Independent Journal
September 9, 2003
Marin Voice
Mill Valley Parade Ordinance
Allan Barnett
These are indeed
scary times. The Mill Valley City Council on September 2 began
the process of codifying in a city ordinance the exclusion of
undesired political expression in its one municipal parade of
the year. Until now city government has permitted unofficially
but effectively only jingoist patriotism in its Memorial Day observance.
But now conformity is being legislated
by the parade ordinance. It will make official what was formerly
decided by the police and a backroom cabal of local worthies like
Billy Budd, chairman of the "I Love A Parade Committee,"
which with the Chamber of Commerce has been mounting the Memorial
Day observance since the 1980s.
The here-to-fore arbitrary procedure
was exposed last May when the Marin Peace and Justice Coalition,
which has some 70 members in Mill Valley, sought to apply for
a place in the parade and was refused because of its opposition
to the war on Iraq. MPJCs presence would dishonor those
who died for their country, Budd explained. He added that in any
case the Memorial Day Parade should not be tarnished by political
expression; it was a family event.
Nevertheless, MPJC, did march at
the head of the parade and was joined by Sustainable Mill Valley
and the Seniors for Peace at the Redwoods retirement center.
The Council has made clear that
it wants to protect Memorial Day celebrants from the expression
of views critical of the US government by giving preference to
"traditional" applicants to run the march, namely, Budd.
Its desire to keep political expression out of the parade neglects
that Memorial Day is a political holiday and that to reduce it
to hoopla is to sully the sacrifice of those who died to protect
our civil rights.
Members of the Council argue that
the civil rights of residents would not be abused because if they
were not allowed to march in the Memorial Day Parade or to get
a permit to mount it, they could seek a permit for another day.
MPJC, Sustainable Mill Valley and Seniors for Peace should not
have to compete with the "I Love a Parade Committee"
to mount the Memorial Day Parade in order to participate in the
citys principal annual celebration.
In 1967 I organized a peace contingent
in Mill Valleys annual parade that was then held on the
Fourth of July and put together by one of the citys fraternal
organizations. Maxine White, wife of the mayor, Al White, got
out of the convertible at the head of the parade to march with
us. This was the first peace contingent to march in the city and
contributed to the City Council passing the following January
a resolution calling for the withdrawal of US troops from Vietnam.
The Council put the issue on the ballot and in March residents
also voted for peace. This made Mill Valley the first city in
the United States to call for the end of the war.
Some of the same people marched
in the Memorial Day Parade in 1994 under banners calling for a
No-vote on Proposition 187, that would end public education for
the children of the undocumented. Somehow this escaped Billy Budds
attention. Mill Valley voted by 59% against the measure.
The people of Mill Valley have not
changed. It is only their public officials who have.
The Supreme Court has found that
an organization that receives a parade permit from a city may
invite whomever it chooses. But the law also provides that if
city government takes control of a parade that it must abide by
the First Amendment and include whoever wants to march, limited
only by some neutral criteria, such as, that some of the members
of the organization must be local residents.
Understandably officials do not
want to spend the Citys limited funds on the Memorial Day
parade, but City government could take control of it, thereby
insuring the civil rights of all its residents. The City could
then contract out the mounting of the parade to any group of volunteers
who is willing to protect these rights. Sausalito does precisely
that, and MPJC was proud to be invited to participate in its recent
Fourth of July parade and in fact to win an honorable mention
for its unit
Memorial Day is a national
patriotic holiday, and all citizens should be able to express
their ideas in what for all intents and purposes is a municipal
celebration, as is demonstrated by the inclusion of City officials
and ceremonial police and fire department units for which the
City pays overtime.
As Billy Budd is quoted as saying
of the ordinance, "It isnt going to change anything."
The Council will be doing a second reading of it on Monday, September
15. People concerned about civil rights should let the Council
know their views or attend the 7:30 pm meeting.
Marin Independent Journal
August
8, 2003
Marin Voice
Bush's war deceptions a crime
Alan Barnett
Forty percent of people
polled believe that President Bush deliberately misled the public
about Iraqs possession of weapons of mass destruction, according
to a CNN-USA Today and Gallup survey at the end of June. That
does not include those who believe that he may have been misled
by his intelligence agencies.
Husseins alleged weapons, his supposed
alliance with the al Qaeda terrorist network and thus complicity
in the 9.11 attack, were the Presidents chief reasons for
taking our country to war. No evidence to support any of these
charges has stood scrutiny. Still Bush continues to make them,
although admitting that he misspoke in his State of the Union
address last January about Iraq importing African uranium, a claim
that Vice-President Cheney knew was false for almost a year before.
If President Bush fraudulently led us to war,
this would be a "high crime," for which the Constitution
requires impeachment.
Even if he was misinformed by his staff, he
must be held accountable for failing to exercise due diligence
in sending more than 200 American troops to their death, to say
nothing of thousands of Iraqi soldiers and civilians.
For the President to have been persuaded sufficiently
to justify an attack that he knew would take thousands of lives,
he would have had to know where the WMDs were and that they were
poised for attack. The sheer size of the WMD stockpiles that the
President described in his January address, if they existed, requires
that they would have been discovered by now.
Having refused to permit the U.N. inspectors
the time they sought before the war to find these weapons or conclude
they did not exist, now after the mayhem, the President wants
time for U.S. inspectors to discover the weapons to prove he was
right
or time for the public to forget.
The ease with which Husseins forces were
overcome by the U.S. indicates that they posed no imminent threat.
Indeed, it suggests that Bush attacked Iraq because its forces
were weak and that he had ulterior reasons for going to war. Iraq
was targeted already by strategy documents of 1992 and 93
written under the auspices of Cheney, who was then Secretary of
Defense to Bush Sr. The reasons then were the same as now: getting
control of the worlds oil and gaining permanent bases in
a strategic area.
The President tries to legitimize his unilateral
"preventative" attack by insisting on U.S military and
economic supremacy around the world, as set forth in the National
Security Strategy, which he promulgated last September. This flies
in the face of continually reaffirmed U.S. goals of peace and
collective security. Although this country has violated them in
the past, never before has a president publicly rejected them
and pursued a foreign policy explicitly committed to world domination.
. None of the Presidents violations of the Constitution
can be properly dealt with by the election of 2004. Elections
are not means of prosecuting crime. The Bush administration has
demonstrated that it knows how to hijack elections. Incumbency
now gives the Bush machine even greater access than before to
the levers of power, massive campaign contributions and buying
the media.
Athough Congress has initiated investigations
into whether the President fraudulently led us to war, these are
to be mainly secret hearings, and we can be sure that major efforts
will be made to prevent the truth from emerging. The public must
insist that there be independent open hearings that can determine
whether impeachment charges should be brought against both the
President and Vice-President.
None of this will happen unless there is a
public outcry to force the hand of Congress. We the people must
compel it to get the whole truth and act on it. Otherwise the
wound to American democracy will be fatal.
Bush administration takes the world through
the Looking Glass
This is a piece by Peter Fruendlich heard
on NPR.
All right, let me see if I understand the
logic of this correctly. We are going to ignore the United
Nations in order to make clear to Saddam Hussein that the United
Nations cannot be ignored. We're going to wage war to
preserve the UN's ability to avert war. The paramount
principle is that the UN's word must be taken seriously, and
if we have to subvert its word to guarantee that it is, then
by gun, we will. Peace is too important not to take up
arms to defend it. Am I getting this right?
Further, if the only way to bring democracy to Iraq is to vitiate
the democracy of the Security Council, then we are honor bound
to that too, because democracy, as we define it, is too important
to be stopped by a little thing like democracy as they see it.
Also, in dealing with a man who brooks no dissension at home,
we cannot afford dissension among ourselves. We must speak with
one voice against Saddam Hussein's failure to allow opposing
voices to be heard. We are sending our gathered might to the
Persian Gulf to make the point that might does not make right,
as Saddam Hussein seems to think it does. And we are twisting
the arms of the opposition until it agrees to let us oust a
regime that twists the arms of the opposition. We cannot
leave in power a dictator who ignores his own people.
And if our people, and people elsewhere in the world, fail to
understand that, then we have no choice but to ignore them.
Listen. Don't misunderstand. I think it is good
that the members of the Bush administration seem to have been
reading Lewis Carroll. I only wish someone had pointed
out that "Alice in Wonderland" and "Through
the Looking Glass" are meditations on paradox and puzzle
and illogic and on the strangeness of things, not templates
for foreign policy. It is amusing for the Mad Hatter to
say something like, "We must make war on him because he
is a threat to peace," but not amusing for someone who
commands an army to say that.
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